|Part of the Cuban exodus|
|Date||15 April – 31 October 1980 (6 months, 2 weeks and 2 days)|
|Also known as||Exodo del Mariel (English: Mariel exodus)|
|Participants||Government of Costa Rica|
Government of Cuba
Government of Peru
Government of United States
People from Cuba
People from Haiti
|Outcome||Around 125,000 Cubans and 25,000 Haitians arrive in the United States.|
The Mariel boatlift was a mass emigration of Cubans, who traveled from Cuba's Mariel Harbor to the United States between 15 April and 31 October 1980. The term "Marielito" (plural "Marielitos") is used to refer to these refugees in both Spanish and English. While the exodus was triggered by a sharp downturn in the Cuban economy, it followed on the heels of generations of Cubans who had emigrated to the United States in the preceding decades.
After 10,000 Cubans tried to gain asylum by taking refuge on the grounds of the Peruvian embassy, the Cuban government announced that anyone who wanted to leave could do so. The ensuing mass migration was organized by Cuban Americans, with the agreement of Cuban President Fidel Castro. The arrival of the refugees in the United States created political problems for US President Jimmy Carter. The Carter administration struggled to develop a consistent response to the immigrants, and many of the refugees had been released from jails and mental health facilities in Cuba.
The Mariel boatlift was ended by mutual agreement between the two governments in late October 1980. By then, as many as 125,000 Cubans had reached Florida.
Cuba–United States relations
In the late 1970s, US President Jimmy Carter sought to improve relations with Cuba. He lifted all restrictions on travel to Cuba, and in September 1977, both countries established an Interests Section in each other's capital. However, relations were still strained because Cuba supported the Soviet Union's military interventions in Africa and the Middle East with their own. The two countries struggled to reach agreement on a relaxation of the US embargo on trade to permit the export of a select list of medicines to Cuba without provoking Carter's political opponents in the US Congress.
Ten members of Congress visited Cuba in December 1978, and the Cuban government later released the US manager of a business in Cuba who had been prevented from leaving in 1963, accused of being a CIA agent, and sentenced to 50 years in prison. A group of 55 people whose parents brought them from Cuba returned for three weeks in December 1978 in a rare instance of Cuba allowing the return of Cuban-born émigrés. In December 1978, both countries agreed upon their maritime border, and the next month, they were working on an agreement to improve their communications in the Straits of Florida. The US responded to Cuban relaxation of restrictions on emigration by allowing Cuban-Americans to send up to $500 to an emigrating relative (equivalent to $2,000 in 2020).
In November 1978, Castro's government met in Havana with a group of Cubans living in exile, agreed to grant an amnesty to 3,600 political prisoners, and announced that they would be freed in the course of the next year and allowed to leave Cuba.
Caribbean Holidays began offering one-week trips to Cuba in January 1978 in co-operation with Cubatur, the official Cuban travel agency. By May 1979, tours were being organized for Americans to participate in the Cuban Festival of Arts (Carifesta) in July, with flights departing from Tampa, Mexico City, and Montreal.
Haitian immigration to the United States
Before 1980, many Haitian immigrants had come to American shores by boat. They were not granted legal protection because they were considered economic migrants, rather than political refugees, despite claims made by many Haitians that they were being persecuted by the Duvalier regime. US Presidents Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford denied claims of asylum in the United States for Haitian migrants by boat. A backlash by the Congressional Black Caucus ensued, which claimed that the US government was discriminating against Haitian immigrants.
Rush to embassies in Cuba
Several attempts by Cubans to seek asylum at the embassies of South American countries set the stage for the events of the spring of 1980. On 21 March 1978, two young Cuban writers who had been punished for dissent and denied permission to emigrate, Reynaldo Colas Pineda and Esteban Luis Cárdenas Junquera, unsuccessfully sought asylum in the Argentine embassy in Havana and were sentenced to years in prison. On 13 May 1979, 12 Cubans sought to take asylum in the Venezuelan embassy in Havana by crashing their bus through a fence to gain entry to the grounds and the building. In January 1980, groups of asylum seekers took refuge in the Peruvian and Venezuelan embassies, and Venezuela called its ambassador home for consultations to protest that they had been fired on by the Cuban police. In March, Peru recalled its ambassador, who had denied entry to a dozen Cubans who were seeking asylum in his embassy.
The embassy invasions then became a confrontation between the Cuban government and the Havana embassies. A group of Cubans attempted to enter the Peruvian embassy in the last week of March, and on April 1, a group of six driving a city bus was successful in doing so, and a Cuban guard was killed by a ricocheting bullet. The Peruvians announced that they would not hand those who were seeking asylum over to Cuban police. The embassy grounds contained two 2-story buildings and gardens covering an area the size of a US football field, or 6,400 square yards The Cuban government announced on 4 April that it was withdrawing its security forces, who were normally officers from the Interior Ministry armed with automatic weapons, from that embassy: "We cannot protect embassies that do not cooperate in their own protection." Following that announcement, about 50 Cubans entered the embassy grounds. By nightfall on April 5, that number had grown to 2,000, including many children and a few former political prisoners.
Approval to emigrate
Cuban officials announced through loudspeakers that anyone who had not entered the embassy grounds by force was free to emigrate if another country granted them entry. Peruvian President Francisco Morales had announced a willingness to accept asylum seekers. Diplomats from several countries met with the Peruvians to discuss the situation, including the crowd's requirements of food and shelter. An official of the US State Department stated on April 5 that the country would both grant asylum to bona fide political prisoners and handle other requests to immigrate by following standard procedures, which provided for the issuance of 400 immigrant visas per month to Cubans, with preference given to those with family members who were already in the United States.
By April 6, the crowd had reached 10,000, and as sanitary conditions on the embassy grounds deteriorated, Cuban authorities prevented further access. The Cuban government called those seeking asylum "bums, antisocial elements, delinquents, and trash." By April 8, 3,700 of the asylum-seekers had accepted safe-conduct passes to return to their homes, and the government began to provide shipments of food and water. Peru tried to organize an international relief program, and it won commitments first from Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, and Venezuela to help with resettlement, and then from Spain, which agreed to accept 500. By April 11, the Cuban government began to furnish asylum seekers with documents that guaranteed their right to emigrate, including permanent safe-conduct passes and passports. In the first two days, about 3,000 received those papers and left the grounds. On 14 April, US President Jimmy Carter announced the US would accept 3,500 refugees and that Costa Rica had agreed to provide a staging area for screening potential immigrants.
Emigration process and violence
The Cuban government organized acts of repudiation against those who wished to leave the island. Mobs would sometimes beat their targets, force them to walk around with accusatory signs on their necks, or trash their homes.
The Cuban government facilitated an emigration process that gave special privilege to those deemed socially undesirable. People deemed "homosexual" would be allowed to leave the country. Those with gender non-conforming behavior were especially targeted by authorities for departure. Some of them were given the option between emigration and jail time, in order to encourage their departure from the island. Many Cubans would enter police stations to declare their homosexual behavior so as to be granted permission to leave the country.
Concerns of Haitian refugees
The Carter administration was negotiating the legal status of Haitian refugees as the Mariel boatlift began. As Cuban refugees began to arrive in the United States, a focus was put on the treatment of Haitian refugees, and Carter declared Haitian refugees and Cuban refugees would be accepted in the same manner. The United States would label all refugees that would come in during the Mariel boatlift as "Cuban-Haitian entrants," to be approved at the discretion of the Attorney General.
|Month||Arrivals (#)||Arrivals (%)|
|April (from 21 April)||7,665||6|
Airlift from Cuba
At first, emigrants were permitted to leave Cuba via flights to Costa Rica, followed by eventual relocation to countries that would accept them. After news coverage of celebratory masses of Cubans emigrating by flight to Costa Rica, the Cuban government declared that emigrants had to leave by flying directly to their accepting country; 7,500 Cubans left the country by those initial flights.
Departure from Cuba and Haiti
Castro stated ultimately on 20 April that the port of Mariel would be opened to anyone wishing to leave Cuba if they had someone to pick them up. Soon after Castro's decree, many Cuban Americans began making arrangements to pick up refugees in the harbor. On April 21, the first boat from the harbor docked in Key West and held 48 refugees. By April 25 as many as 300 boats were picking up refugees in Mariel Harbor. Cuban officials also packed refugees into Cuban fishing vessels.
Haitian refugees had been continuously coming to the United States before the Mariel boatlift and continued to do so with the flotilla.
United States and Cuba policy changes
After the arrival of thousands of refugees, Florida Governor Bob Graham declared a state of emergency in Monroe and Dade Counties on April 28. According to a US Coast Guard report, 15,761 refugees had arrived in Florida by early May. On May 6, Carter declared a state of emergency in the areas of Florida most "severely affected" by the exodus, and an open arms policy in which all refugees fleeing Cuba would receive temporary status. On June 20 the Cuban-Haitian Entrant Program was established, and Haitians would be given the same legal status as Cuban refugees in the United States during the Mariel boatlift. Around 25,000 Haitians would enter the United States during the boatlift.
In response, Carter then called for a blockade on the flotilla by the US Coast Guard. At least 1,400 boats would be seized, but many slipped by, and over 100,000 more Cuban and Haitian refugees continued to pour into Florida over the next five months. The Mariel Boatlift would end by agreement between the United States and Cuba in October 1980.
Refugees were processed at camps set up in the greater Miami area, generally at decommissioned missile defense sites. Other sites were established at the Miami Orange Bowl and at various churches throughout the area. Some sites were established to segregate the refugees until they could be provided with initial processing at places such as the Nike–Hercules sites at Key Largo and Krome Avenue. Once they were initially processed and documented, the refugees were quickly transferred to larger compounds in the metropolitan area to allow them to be reunited with relatives who already lived in the United States and to allow interaction with various social-action agencies such as Catholic Charities and the American Red Cross. At the initial processing sites, the undesirable elements were identified and segregated from the general population.
As the Haitian refugees started arriving, interpreters were found to be in short supply for Haitian Creole, and interpreters from the local Haitian community were put under contract through the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA). As the end of the initial crisis period wound down and after the vetting of the refugees who could be sponsored had run its course, the decision was made to transfer the "hard to sponsor" refugees, which included those with criminal records, to longer-term processing sites at Fort Chaffee in Arkansas, Fort Indiantown Gap in Pennsylvania and Fort McCoy in Wisconsin.
During the Mariel boatlift the McDuffie riots were raging in the Liberty City and Overtown neighborhoods of Miami. It has been argued the riots were exacerbated by the diversion of social and policing resources from African-American communities to care for Mariel refugees, and the anger at the perceived privileges Cuban refugees held compared to African Americans and Haitian refugees.
Dispersal to refugee camps
Crowded conditions in South Florida immigration processing centers forced U.S. federal agencies to move many of the Marielitos to other centers in Fort Indiantown Gap; Fort McCoy; Camp Santiago, Puerto Rico; and Fort Chaffee. Federal civilian police agencies such as the General Services Administration's Federal Protective Service provided officers to maintain order inside the gates of the relocation centers. Riots occurred at the Fort Chaffee center and some detainees escaped, an event that became a campaign issue in the re-election defeat of Governor Bill Clinton.
Evolving legal status
Most refugees were ordinary Cubans. Many had been allowed to leave Cuba for reasons that in the United States were loyalty-neutral or protected, such as tens of thousands were Seventh-Day Adventists or Jehovah's Witnesses. Some had been declared "antisocialist" in Cuba by their CDRs. In the end, only 2.2 percent (or 2,746) of the refugees were classified as serious or violent criminals under US law and denied citizenship on that basis.
In 1984, the Mariel refugees from Cuba received permanent legal status under a revision to the Cuban Adjustment Act of 1966. Haitians were instead considered to be economic refugees, which made them unable to get the same residency status as Cubans and therefore subject to deportation. Two years later, under the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986, all Cuban-Haitian entrants who had immigrated in 1980 were able to apply for permanent residency.
By 1987, several hundred Marielitos were still detained because they were inadmissible under immigration law. Local police departments had also arrested around seven thousand Marielitos for felonies committed in the United States. Those arrested there served their prison sentences, only to be detained by INS as candidates for deportation.
The United States-Cuba Migration Agreement of 1987 allowed for 3,000 former political prisoners to emigrate to the United States and allowed for the deportation of undesired Marielitos. After news of the agreement broke, many detained Marielitos in Oakdale and Atlanta prisons rioted and took hostages. The riots ended after an agreement was reached to stop deportations until all detainees were given a fair review of their deportation case. After 1987, the United States would continue to deport Marielitos who were deemed undesirable.
By June 2016, 478 remained to be deported; according to the Department of Homeland Security, some are elderly or sick, and the Department had no desire to send these back to Cuba. Under a 2016 agreement with the Cuban government, the U.S. will deport the final remaining migrants deemed as serious criminals.
An early response to address the aftermath of the Mariel Boatlift was the 1983 City of Miami's formation of the East Little Havana Task Force. Task Force members were appointed by the Miami City Commission, with urban planner and Cuban community leader Jesus Permuy named as its chair. It was tasked with studying the social and economic effects of the boatlift, particularly in Little Havana, which was an epicenter of the migration. The Task Force adjourned a year later and submitted its findings and official recommendations, called The East Little Havana Redevelopment Plan, to the Miami City Commission and Mayor's Office in 1984.
Effect on Miami crime
At the time, the Immigration and Naturalization Service identified 1,306 migrants as having "questionable" backgrounds. Scholars have found that many Mariel immigrants with criminal records were incarcerated for minor crimes that would not be considered crimes in the US, such as selling goods in the "black market." Estimates assert that the Cuban refugees only included some 2,700 hardened criminals.
A 1985 Sun Sentinel magazine article claimed that out of the around 125,000 refugees that entered the United States around 16,000 to 20,000 were estimated to be criminals. In a 1985 report around 350 to 400 Mariel Cubans were reported to inhabit Dade County jails on a typical day.
In a recent working paper, two economists Alexander Billy and Michael Packard have purportedly estimated the effects of the refugees on crime in Miami. They find evidence of an increase in both violent and property crime. They argue costs were relatively minor and driven by a combination of factors including poor oversight by authorities. They conclude the rise in crime could have been avoided and does not justify current fears surrounding migration.
Effect on Miami labor market
About half of the Mariel immigrants decided to live in Miami permanently, which resulted in a 7 percent increase in workers in the Miami labor market and a 20 percent increase in the Cuban working population. Aside from the unemployment rate rising from 5.0 percent in April 1980 to 7.1 percent in July, the actual damage to the economy was marginal and followed trends across the United States at the time. When observing data from 1979 to 1985 on the Miami labor market and comparing it with similar data from several other major cities across the United States, focusing on wages, the effects of the boatlift were marginal.
The wages for white Americans remained steady in both Miami and comparable cities. The wage rates for African Americans were relatively steady from 1979 to 1985 when in comparable cities it dropped. Apart from a dip in 1983, wage rates for non-Cuban Hispanics were stable, while in comparable cities it fell approximately 6 percent. There is no evidence of a negative effect on wage rates for other groups of Hispanics in Miami. Wages for Cubans demonstrated a steady decline especially compared with other groups in Miami at the time. This can be attributed exclusively to the "dilution" of the group with the new, less-experienced, and lower-earning Mariel immigrants, meaning that there is also no evidence of a negative effect on wage rates for Cubans living in Miami prior to 1980.
The Refugee Education Assistance Act of 1980 provided $100 million in cash and medical and social services and authorized approximately $5 million per year to facilitate the refugees' transition to American life. The 1980 Census was also adjusted to include Mariel children to ensure that additional assistance would be available to them through the Miami-Dade County Public Schools via Title I of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA).
In 2016 Harvard economist George J. Borjas revisited David Card's analysis in light of new insights into immigration effects since 1990. He used the same current population survey (CPS) data. However, he focused only on workers who were
- non-Hispanic (as the best approximation to the native-born)
- aged 25–59 (prime working age)
- high-school dropouts
The last characteristic was especially important since 60 percent of Marielitos did not complete high school. And even many of the remaining 40 percent who had completed high school were looking for unskilled jobs because of their lack of linguistic and other skills. Marielitos, therefore, competed directly with high-school dropouts.
Borjas next compared the inflation-adjusted wages of Miami residents who had those characteristics with wages of the same segment of the American population in all other American metropolitan areas except Miami. His analysis shows that the Miami wages for native-born men without high-school diplomas were much lower than the wages for similar workers in other US metropolitan areas during the 1980s and then again in the late 1990s, following the two spikes of Cubans migrating to Miami.
One of his conclusions was that during the 1980s, wages in Miami were a full 20 percent lower than they were elsewhere. In 2017, an analysis of Borjas' study on the effects of the boatlift concluded that Borjas' findings "may simply be spurious" and that his theory of the economic impact of the boatlift "doesn't fit the evidence." A number of other studies concluded the opposite of what Borjas' study had found.
Writing for the IZA Institute of Labor Economics, the two economists Michael Clemens and Jennifer Hunt have claimed that conflicting results could be explained by the changes in the subsample composition of the CPS data. In 1980, the share of non-Hispanic blacks doubled in the subgroup of Miami male prime working-age high-school dropouts studied by Borjas. No similar increases occurred in the subgroups of populations in the control cities identified by either Card or Borjas. Since there was a large and significant difference between wages of black and nonblack high-school dropouts, the changing composition of the CSP subgroups created a spurious decline in the wages of the native population. According to Clemens and Hunt, the compositional effect accounts for the entire impact of the Mariel boatlift on the wages of native workers estimated by Borjas.
Effect on political attitudes
Fidel Castro would attempt to state how those leaving in the Mariel boatlift were undesirable members of Cuban society. With Castro's condemnation and reports that prisoners and mental health patients were leaving in the exodus it was believed by some that Marielitos were undesirable deviants. Opponents of then U.S. President Jimmy Carter and the Democratic Party would hail the Mariel boatlift as a failure of his administration. Ronald Reagan would instead praise Marielitos in his ideological campaign against Cuba. The boatlift would also help spark policy demands for English only government paperwork after Miami Dade County residents voted to remove Spanish as a second official language in November 1980. Former-U.S. President Donald Trump's senior policy adviser Stephen Miller used the boatlift as evidence of the dangers of unchecked immigration.
In popular culture
The boatlift has been the subject of a number of works of art, media, and entertainment. Examples include:
- Against Wind and Tide: A Cuban Odyssey (1981), a PBS documentary film nominated for the Academy Award for Best Documentary Feature
- Scarface (1983), a dramatic film about a Marielito who becomes a drug lord
- The Perez Family, a novel by Christine Bell; a group of Marielitos who share the same last name pretend to be a family
- The Perez Family (1995), a film based on the novel
- Before Night Falls (1992; English translation 1993), the autobiography of Marielito Reinaldo Arenas
- Before Night Falls (2000), a film based on the book
- 90 Miles (2001), an American documentary film and memoir, written and directed by Marielito Juan Carlos Zaldívar
- Finding Mañana: A Memoir of a Cuban Exodus (2005), a memoir by Mirta Ojito
- Voices From Mariel (2011), a documentary film that tells the story of ten families
- Voices from Mariel: Oral Histories of the 1980 Cuban Boatlift
The events at the Peruvian embassy are depicted in:
- Todos se van (Everyone's Leaving) (2006 in Spanish; 2013 in English), a novel by Wendy Guerra
- 'Cuerpos al borde de una isla; mi salida de Cuba por Mariel (2010), a memoir by Reinaldo García Ramos about his experiences during the Boatlift
Notable Mariel boatlift refugees include:
- Carlos Alfonzo, a painter and sculptor
- Reinaldo Arenas, poet and novelist
- Ignacio Berroa, jazz drummer
- Elizabeth Caballero, opera singer
- Hugo Cancio, businessman, CEO of Fuego Enterprises, publisher of the magazine OnCuba
- Felix Delgado, rapper and songwriter known as Cuban Link
- Olga María Rodríguez Farinas, widow of William Alexander Morgan, a leader of rebel forces in the Cuban Revolution
- Luis Felipe, convicted murderer and founder of the New York branch of the Latin Kings gang
- Bárbaro Garbey, baseball player and coach
- Julio González, arsonist and mass-murderer
- Francisco del Junco, serial killer
- Rene Lavan, actor and soap opera star
- Mailet Lopez, founder of I Had Cancer, a social networking site
- Pedro Medina, executed for murder
- Jesus Mezquia, murderer of Mia Zapata
- Mirta Ojito, writer and Pulitzer Prize winner
- Ras Juan Perez, founder of the Cuban reggae band Arawak Jah
- Orlando "Puntilla" Ríos, folkloric percussionist and vocalist
- Felipe García Villamil, Palo Monte priest, drummer, and artist
- Pedro Zamora, who appeared on the television show The Real World
- 1980 diplomatic protection incident at the Peruvian Embassy, Havana
- Camarioca boatlift and airlift
- Atlanta Prison Riots
- Cuba–United States relations
- Garcia-Mir v. Meese (1986 Circuit Court decision)
- Rex 84
- Gwertzman, Bernard (14 May 1978). "Carter Sharply Attacks Cuba, Saying Use of Troops Hurts Peace Moves" (PDF). The New York Times. Retrieved 7 April 2016.
- "Good Medicine for Cuba" (PDF). The New York Times. 8 March 1978. Retrieved 7 April 2016.
- Prial, Frank J. (5 January 1978). "Notes on People" (PDF). The New York Times. Retrieved 22 March 2016.
- Smothers, Ronald (14 February 1978). "Cuban Exiles Visiting Home Find Identity" (PDF). The New York Times. Retrieved 22 March 2016.
- Prial, Frank J. (15 January 1978). "U.S. and Cuba Prepare to Draft a Maritime Agreement" (PDF). The New York Times. Retrieved 22 March 2016.
- "Castro Would Free 3,000" (PDF). The New York Times. 23 November 1978. Retrieved 11 April 2016.
- "Man, Jailed in Plot on Castro, Is Among 400 to Be Freed" (PDF). The New York Times. 28 August 1979. Retrieved 11 April 2016.
- Dunphy, Robert J. (22 January 1978). "Hotels Fight 'Relative' Competition" (PDF). The New York Times. Retrieved 22 March 2016.
- Donner, Suzanne (20 May 1979). "Cubans Holding Festival" (PDF). The New York Times. Retrieved 22 March 2016.
- Engstrom, David W. (1997) . Presidential Decision Making Adrift: The Carter Administration and the Mariel Boatlift. Rowman and Littlefield Publishers. pp. 144–146. ISBN 978-0-8476-8414-4. Archived from the original on 2 February 2021. Retrieved 13 July 2019.
- Ripoll, Carlos (14 May 1979). "Dissent in Cuban" (PDF). New York Times. Retrieved 22 March 2016.
- "Cubans Seek Asylum in Caracas" (PDF). New York Times. 11 November 1979. Retrieved 22 March 2016.
- "Venezuela Recalls Envoy to Protest Cuba Incident" (PDF). New York Times. 21 January 1980. Retrieved 22 March 2016.
- Thomas, Jo (6 April 1980). "2,000 Who Want to Leave Cuba Crowd Peru's Embassy in Havana" (PDF). New York Times. Retrieved 22 March 2016.
- "Havana Removes Guard from Peruvian Embassy" (PDF). New York Times. 5 April 1980. Retrieved 22 March 2016.
- Thomas, Jo (8 April 1980). "Havana Says It Seeks to Ease Plight of 10,000 at the Peruvian Embassy" (PDF). New York Times. Retrieved 31 March 2016.
- Thomas, Jo (9 April 1980). "Cuba Trucking Food and Water to Throng at Peruvian Embassy" (PDF). New York Times. Retrieved 31 March 2016.
- Thomas, Jo (7 April 1980). "Crowd at Havana Embassy Grows; 10,000 Reported Seeking Asylum" (PDF). New York Times. Retrieved 22 March 2016.
- de Onis, Juan (10 April 1980). "Peru Asks Latins' Aid on Cubans" (PDF). New York Times. Retrieved 31 March 2016.
- de Onis, Juan (11 April 1980). "Peru Appeals for Aid in Resettling Cubans at Embassy" (PDF). New York Times. Retrieved 31 March 2016.
- "Cuba Reported Issuing Documents So Thousands Can Leave Embassy" (PDF). New York Times. 12 April 1980. Retrieved 31 March 2016.
- Thomas, Jo (13 April 1980). "Peruvian Warns of Health Peril to Cubans at Embassy" (PDF). New York Times. Retrieved 31 March 2016.
- Hovey, Graham (15 April 1980). "U.S. Agrees to Admit up to 3,500 Cubans from Peru Embassy" (PDF). New York Times. Retrieved 31 March 2016.
- "Castro's blunder led to crisis". 23 April 2000. Archived from the original on 17 May 2020. Retrieved 25 July 2019.
- Peña, Susana (2013). Oye Loca: From the Mariel Boatlift to Gay Cuban Miami. University of Minnesota Press. ISBN 978-0-8166-6554-9. Archived from the original on 2 February 2021. Retrieved 13 July 2019.
- Wasem, Ruth (2010). U.S. Immigration Policy on Haitian Migrants. Congressional Research Service. ISBN 9781437932843. Archived from the original on 2 February 2021. Retrieved 30 November 2020.
- Source: Council for Inter-American Security.
- Tamayo, Juan O. (20 November 2008). "Chronology of the Cuban Revolution". Miami Herald. Archived from the original on 8 May 2016. Retrieved 7 May 2016.
- "The Mariel Boatlift of 1980". www.floridamemory.com. Archived from the original on 10 July 2019. Retrieved 13 July 2019.
- McKnight, Robert (18 April 2018). "The impact of the Mariel Boatlift still resonates in Florida after 38 years". Miami Herald. Archived from the original on 7 December 2019. Retrieved 2 December 2019.
- Gosin, Monika (2019). The Racial Politics of Division: Interethnic Struggles for Legitimacy in Multicultural Miami. Cornell University Press. ISBN 9781501738258. Archived from the original on 2 February 2021. Retrieved 30 November 2020.
- "Mariel Boatlift". GlobalSecurity.org. Archived from the original on 6 October 2011. Retrieved 14 October 2011.
- Engstrom, David (1997). Presidential Decision Making Adrift: The Carter Administration and the Mariel Boatlift. Rowman and Littlefield Publishers. pp. 185–186. ISBN 9780847684144. Archived from the original on 2 February 2021. Retrieved 30 November 2020.
- "'Marielitos' Face Long-Delayed Reckoning: Expulsion to Cuba". The New York Times. 14 January 2017. Archived from the original on 19 December 2017. Retrieved 15 January 2017.
- "Miami City Commission Picks East Little Havana Task Force". The Miami Herald. 20 March 1983. p. 7B. Retrieved 8 October 2018.
- "E. Little Havana Task Force Meets, Elects Officers". The Miami Herald. 19 May 1983. p. 3. Retrieved 8 October 2018.
- "Study Examines East Little Havana Redevelopment". The Miami Herald. 27 September 1984. Retrieved 8 October 2018.
- Fernández, Gastón A. (2007). "Race, Gender, and Class in the Persistence of the Mariel Stigma Twenty Years after the Exodus from Cuba". The International Migration Review. 41 (3): 602–622. doi:10.1111/j.1747-7379.2007.00087.x. ISSN 0197-9183. JSTOR 27645686. S2CID 10726648. Archived from the original on 28 October 2020. Retrieved 25 October 2020.
- Shanty, F.; Mishra, P.P. (2008). Organized Crime: From Trafficking to Terrorism. 1. ABC-CLIO. p. 461. ISBN 9781576073377. Archived from the original on 14 November 2020. Retrieved 13 August 2015.
- Springer, Katie (26 September 1985). "Five Years Later, Overriding Crime Is Mariel Legacy". Archived from the original on 15 March 2016. Retrieved 22 March 2016.
- Billy, Alexander; Packard, Michael (March 2020). "Crime and the Mariel Boatlift". Archived from the original on 17 November 2020. Retrieved 11 December 2020. Cite journal requires
- Card, David (1990). "The Impact of the Mariel boatlift on the Miami Labor Market". Industrial and Labor Relations Review. 43 (2): 245–257. doi:10.1177/001979399004300205. JSTOR 2523702. S2CID 15116852. Archived from the original on 2 February 2021. Retrieved 30 November 2020.
- Portes, Alejandro; Jensen, Leif (1989). "The Enclave and Entrants: Patterns of Ethnic Enterprise in Miami Before and After Mariel". American Sociological Review. 54 (6): 929–949. doi:10.2307/2095716. JSTOR 2095716.
- The Wage Impact of the Marielitos: A Reappraisal Archived 21 August 2016 at the Wayback Machine, George J. Borjas, Harvard University, July 2016
- "Wages of Mariel". The Economist. 21 July 2016. Archived from the original on 24 July 2016. Retrieved 27 July 2016.
- "There's no evidence that immigrants hurt any American workers". Vox. Archived from the original on 29 February 2020. Retrieved 3 August 2017.
- "Immigrants Don't Steal From Americans' Paychecks". Bloomberg.com. 16 June 2017. Archived from the original on 10 October 2018. Retrieved 20 August 2017.
- Clemens, Michael; Hunt, Jennifer (May 2017). "The Labor Market Effects of Refugee Waves: Reconciling Conflicting Results" (PDF). IZA Discussion Paper Series. 10806. Archived (PDF) from the original on 11 October 2017. Retrieved 6 July 2017.
- Capó Jr., Julio (4 August 2017). "The White House Used This Moment as Proof the U.S. Should Cut Immigration. Its Real History Is More Complicated". Time. Archived from the original on 10 June 2019. Retrieved 13 July 2019.
- "Against Wind and Tide: A Cuban Odyssey". Movies & TV Dept. The New York Times. Baseline & All Movie Guide. 2011. Archived from the original on 21 May 2011. Retrieved 16 November 2008.
- "Picks and Pans Review: Against Wind and Tide: a Cuban Odyssey". People. 1 June 1981. Archived from the original on 2 December 2013. Retrieved 3 November 2011.
- Chapman, Matt (24 August 2011). "Al Pacino and the cast and crew talk Scarface". Total Film. Archived from the original on 5 January 2014. Retrieved 4 January 2014.
- Brunet, Elena (23 September 1990). "Last Boat From Mariel: The Perez Family by Christine Bell". Los Angeles Times. Archived from the original on 7 April 2016. Retrieved 23 March 2016.
- Rainer, Peter (12 May 1995). "'The Perez Family': Saga in Need of a Thermostat". Los Angeles Times. Archived from the original on 3 April 2016. Retrieved 24 March 2016.
- Echevarria, Roberto Gonzalez (24 October 1993). "An Outcast of the Island". New York Times. Archived from the original on 7 March 2016. Retrieved 23 March 2016.
- Preston, Peter (17 June 2001). "It's love - but don't tell Fidel". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 4 April 2016. Retrieved 23 March 2016.
- "90 Miles". POV. PBS. Archived from the original on 14 March 2016. Retrieved 23 March 2016.
- Starr, Alexandra (15 May 2005). "'Finding Mañana': Marielitos' Way". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 29 May 2015. Retrieved 27 March 2016.
- "PBS Series "Latino Americans" Will Chronicle the Latino Experience in the U. S. Over the Last 200 Years; Premieres Fall 2013". WETA (Press release). 2 May 2012. Archived from the original on 28 April 2015. Retrieved 27 March 2016.
- "Voices from Mariel: Oral Histories of the 1980 Cuban Boatlift," February 2018, José Manuel García University Press of Florida. http://upf.com/book.asp?id=9780813056661 Archived 25 November 2018 at the Wayback Machine
- Caussé, Bruno (3 July 2008). "Wendy Guerra : une Cubaine libre". Le Monde (in French). Archived from the original on 8 August 2016. Retrieved 31 May 2016.
- "Carlos Alfonzo, 40, Painter From Cuba". New York Times. 21 February 1991. Archived from the original on 26 June 2018. Retrieved 23 March 2016.
- Anderson, Jon Lee (20 July 2015). "Opening for Business". The New Yorker. Archived from the original on 5 April 2016. Retrieved 2 April 2016.
- Weir, Tom (6 July 2005). "Cuban ballplayers remember Garbey". USA Today. Archived from the original on 20 December 2013. Retrieved 31 March 2013.
- Jennifer Valdes (5 June 2003). "CONVICTED KILLER GETS FOUR LIFE TERMS". Sun-Sentinel. Archived from the original on 31 January 2020. Retrieved 1 December 2019.
- Corsa, Lisette. "Orlando "Puntilla" Rios (1947-2008)". Global Rhythm. Archived from the original on 4 April 2016. Retrieved 23 March 2016.
- Cotter, Holland (1 October 1993). "Channels to the Sacred, From Africa to the West". New York Times. Archived from the original on 4 April 2016. Retrieved 23 March 2016.
- Larzelere, Alex (1988). The 1980 Cuban Boatlift. Washington, DC: National Defense University Press.
- Mariel Boatlift on globalsecurity.org.
- Memories of Mariel: 20 Years Later
- Six-year study of Mariel refugees
- Fleeing Cuba for a Better Life in USA
- Voices from Mariel: Oral histories of the 1980 Cuban Boatlift, UPF, February 2018